Gregory Framework Of Technology Management

Gregory Framework Of Technology Management There are several technology management models. The Gregory frame work has been proposed in 1995 by M. J. Gregory. This process has been built based on previous work on technology management. There are several elements have been identified previously link to the technology management within organizations. Competence and capability are important to be analyzed within the organization to understand the strength and weakness. They also reflect how well the organization can satisfy the customers and how fast the organization may response the market. According to this analysis, the company can identify the suitable technology strategy. Organization learning is also widely used concept in technology management. RD development and new product introduction are the processes which technology is applied in. Innovation activities are taken to deliver the customer satisfaction. [Gregory, 1995] However, there is no agreed framework for technology management has been proposed. Based on the literature research on previous work and the development of technology management in many companies, Gregory proposed the 5 processes frame work for technology management. The 5 processes have been identified as below: Identification Selection Acquisition Exploitation Protection It aims to identify the suitable technologies can be used now or in the future in the identification phase. The identification will be conducted through a systematic review of existing technology, emerging technology and in-house developed technology. [Leonard, 1992] The information needed in this phase to conduct review includes external drivers, marketing analysis, stakeholder information, and futurology understanding, etc. A group of approaches may be applied here, such as PESTEL. Selection is the process to determine the technology can be developed within the company. The process will be aligned with companys strategy. The criteria in this phase are usually from different sources. Technology audit, SWOT analysis, and RD portfolio analysis are the approaches usually can be used in this process. It aims to find out the suitable method to acquire the technology and applied in the organization in the acquisition phase. There are several means to obtain the technology. Companies may choose to develop the technology by itself by RD activities or organizational learning. They also may choose to collaborate with others as suppliers, or partners. Technology may also be purchased via brokers or licenses, etc. The acquisition means should be considered to be suitable with company strategy by considering the complexity of RD, risk management, and financial limitation, etc. The exploitation process is to convert the obtained technology into the practical production to gain the financial profit. The key point here is to apply the scientific technology into products can gain the maximum profit. Technology fusion is an important concept here to explore new function. The exploitation is the only process in this framework able to generate profit to cover all the technical investment. The protection phase is about how to protect or maintain the knowledge and relative expertise in the manufacturing process. The traditional way to protect the technology is the legal method as licensing or patenting. [Gregory, 1995] This process framework is a general model for technology management to be used in organizations. This process is not a defined model but comes from the process those companies apply the technology. It reflects the routine the management takes to manage technology within the company. The framework also associates all the relative activities which include innovation, product technology, production technology, etc. into the model. This framework also enables the company to align the technological considerations with business strategy. Every process in this framework needs a set of activities and criteria to implement. Thus this framework also enables the management to evaluate the whole processes and manage the relative dimensions. Furthermore, a process-based model can make the technology management process in company visible and transparent. [WMG, 2010] However, few companies may apply this model into their business. The process framework includes a variety of activities in different process and related to different function. But in many companies, the activities have been included in other business process as new product introduction, marketing strategy setting, etc. Thus there is a challenge for companies to apply this model entirely. [WMG, 2010] Holistic approach in technology management Management of technology links engineering, science, and management disciplines to address the planning, development, and implementation of technological capabilities to shape and accomplish the strategic and operational objectives of an organization [National Research Council, 1987] Refer to the definition of technology management, it requires collaboration of the RD, manufacturing, service and operation function, marketing, finance, and HR function in the company. Thus a holistic approach needs to be taken to manage technology in the company. It will be divided to several reasons to explain in below paragraph and what are the benefits. Firstly, technology management involves multi-functions within the organization. In a company, not only engineering department or RD department is responsible for technology management, all the functions within the organization are more or less related to technology. [WMG, 2010] Thus technology management requires a system of integration within the organization. For example, the product development and design process has been considered as a traditional technical activity. Engineers and designers can work individually towards the goals. However, this kind of isolated work can result an unsatisfied output. The engineering department may complain the marketing department for the poor data; the production department may complain engineering department for design need rework. Without crosscutting functions, it will not only raise the cost but also cause the friction between departments. Secondly, technology management requires broad knowledge within the organization as business strategy, marketing, customers, competitors, existing product and service, SWOT, etc. Thus it is important to understand the overall sense to manage technology effectively. Furthermore, it is important to consider technology relative issues with the internal information and external information: how technology may influence the operation within the business; how the limitations and requirements of the business may affect the technical decision. If the technology management cant achieve the system integration, it may lead to products cant meet the markets requirements and customers expectation since the technology management hasnt been associated with marketing activities; project may last for long time with back and forth process because necessary technical information hasnt been input; as well as cost will be increased; company may response to the market slower. Consequently the company may gain fewer profit compare to it could gain. [Steele, 1989] Thirdly, technology is not the isolated content within technology management. The key elements in technology management are management of innovation process, development of technology, technology utilization to obtain profit. [Badawy, 2009] The activities of technology management include development and research; design; manufacturing and operation; organizational learning; technology transfer, etc. Based on this perspective, technology management is not only a process to be applied in RD but in a broad range of functional area. All the activities within technology management are used to align the technology strategy with company strategy. The company structure and business strategy are the important factors to determine the technology strategy. [Pavitt, 1999] The technology strategy may be set to align with companys long-term profitable project or short-term project to compete with other companies on the market. The technology management would consider all the parts inside of the or ganization to ensure it can align with business strategy. Fourthly, Technology is a method instead of objective. [WMG, 2010] Technology can only be applied through a fundamental structure instead of existing alone. [Wyk, 2005] Alternatively, the technology has to be implemented to enable the firms profitability and growth. The process to utilize technology is insisted of a set of cross function activities. Thus the technology would not be existed isolated or developed without business objectives. As above analysis, it can ensure the maximum profitable though a holistic approach in technology management. For example, the operation management aims to drive the whole processes as quick as possible while eliminating mistakes, delays, etc. The effective operation management not only requires the output can satisfy customers but also generates profits to company. A proper technology strategy here can enable the operation processes to proceed faster and effective by avoiding unsuitable product strategy has been processed. Holistic approach can also ensure the output is marketable by avoid the lack of external information, which cause high risk to fail in the market. The holistic approach also can ensure the technology strategy to align with the overall business strategy. Furthermore, it also helps the company to identify the proper way and pace to adopt the technology. The collaboration case study between Sony and Ericsson Nowadays, its very common for companies from different countries and sector to work together. In 2001, a joint venture company Sony Ericsson Mobile communication has been established by a Japanese electronics company Sony Corporation and Swedish telecommunications company Ericsson. [Caroline Sanja, 2007] The aim of this cooperation is to produce the mobile phone with multimedia communication solution to customers all over the world. The initial for this collaboration is to associate the Sonys multimedia consumer electronics expertise and Ericssons technical knowledge in telecommunications. Once Sony Ericsson established, both of the companies stopped their individual mobile business. The Sony Ericsson Mobile Communications is a London-based 50:50 joint venture business. Before the collaboration, Ericsson ran its mobile business in the market for years and obtained 10.7% in the handset market in 2000. It has a great loss when faced the cheaper mobile phone producer as Nokia. Mobile phone is one of the core businesses in Ericsson. Thus they cant abandon this part of business. Ericsson had the advantage of the leading infrastructure. Meanwhile, Sony had just 10% market share in Japanese handset market and 1% in all over the world. However, Sony obtained the multimedia technology enable to enter the global market. Sony Ericsson employed 2500 stuff from Ericsson and 1000 stuff from Sony. [III-Vs Review, 2001] Sony and Ericsson both obtain 50% of the capital. And each of them obtains half of the boards positions. This business had been expected to take over all the mobile phone technology from the parents and to be able to compete with Nokia and Motorola in the market. How does the collaboration between Sony and Ericsson conducted The initial of Sony is to look for a partner to explore the GSM and CDMA technologies. Sony had soft alliance with Qualcomm and Siemens in the 1990s. In the experience with Qualcomm, Sony developed CDMA technology together with Qualcomm, but products have been sold separated under two brand name. The competition leaded this soft alliance to the end as well as the collaboration with Siemens. However, Sony realized its a huge investment to conduct RD alone in telecom technology. Before Sony and Ericsson arrived a Memorandum of Understanding, many partner candidates as Motorola, Alcatel and Nokia had been considered. At that time, Ericsson gained a big operation loss in 2000. And it was looking for a partner to take over the handsets operations. There were many potential candidates had been chose. Sony was one of them. Sony held the advantage of the multimedia consumer electronics expertise but had been limited on designing and innovations. Initially, Sony want to take over all the oper ation include the core technology, design, distribution and marketing. However, the top management of Ericsson didnt want to abandon the core technology of handset, which was developed in Ericsson Mobile Platforms (EMP). Thus Ericsson proposed soft alliance which had been turned down by Sony who insisted the joint venture deal. Ericsson Sony Original staff numbers in 2001 in Joint venture 3000 1500 Market knowledge Telecom operating valuable Limited Market Knowledge multimedia consumer electronics limited valuable Handset technology valuable Dont want cash contribution Fig1. Sony-Ericsson partnership when merge According to the Fig1, Ericsson obtained the core handset technology, however Sony at that moment dont want any cash contribution. In that time, Ericsson played the major role in that deal according to its global market share and handset technology. Thus the Ericsson Mobile Platforms has been excluded in the joint venture deal. Thus EMP has to reduce the operating cost and sell technology to other company as LG. The final agreement was finalized in the end of 2000 between the two companies. Then followed a group of discussion on how to conduct this collaboration in terms of management, manufacturing, Research and Development, and governance, etc. The board of the joint venture was formed 50-50 from two companies, and with a president to be named by Sony. 1,500 staff came from Sony and Ericsson brought its organization of products, sales and marketing. The new joint venture has been named Sony Ericsson Mobile Communications. There were many challenge issues for two big companys collaboration. The intellectual property rights (IPR) is one of the critical issues. Since it was very difficult to identify how much the two companies should transfer IPR to the joint venture at the beginning. Sony built up a team called Functional Integration Team to tackle the joint venture issues. Sony decided to take over the management of manufacturing by controlling the Sony-Ericssons own production plant with C hinese partners. And Sony also is in charge of the supply chain management which Ericsson had long-term operational experience in. Thus Sony took many important positions in Sony-Ericsson management: Sony executives had been transferred to take over the business units and supply chain management. While Ericsson ex-executives took over HR and other departments. The operation of the joint venture started at Oct-1 2001. [Sigurdson, 2004] There are three main issues occurred at the beginning of collaboration in Sony-Ericsson. Design is one of the issues. Sonys designers had different understanding on the outlook and functions with the Ericssons designers. For example, the Sony designers proposed that streamline shape of mobile phone is better than straight line mobile phone. However, its difficult for Sonys designers to explain this concept to Ericssons designers. In Sony, the information of design philosophy is tacit instead of explicit, thus in the joint venture, designers from each company cant understand the in-house words from each other. This was solved by re-designing a new set of internal terms in Sony-Ericsson. The few number of published mobile phone model lead to a big loss in the first two years. However, another side, the conflicts between the two types of culture also enabled Sony-Ericsson to enter the international market. There was an argument on the product design in Japanese market. The Sony designer s claimed that design is the most important part and Japanese market need attention due to the customers high standard needs. Japanese market is the most advanced mobile phone market and more than 10 major mobile phone manufacturers existed in the market at that time. Sony-Ericsson obtained a lot of important experience, and also able to learn the technology trends from Japanese market. The second issue in Sony-Ericsson is the supply chain management, which didnt work well. Firstly, the manufacturing had been divided into three manufacturing facilities in Sony-Ericsson: Ericsson manufacturing contracts with EMS, Sony manufacturing company, Ericsson manufacturing plant in China. There was a huge challenge on managing the manufacturing since its very difficult to manufacture products ordered and meet the requirement of quality. Especially the outsource supplier EMS, which met great challenge on delivering qualified products on time. The different type of manufacturing source brought Sony-Ericsson a critical problem. Secondly, Time to market is a very important criterion in mobile phone market due to the fierce competition. The management of platform in Sony-Ericsson is a weak point compare to the other competitors as Samsung and Nokia. Due to lack of management, in the platform, it was found the new orders were laid without organization. This became worse when the ma rketing strategy had been set to increase the market share. The issue occurred because Sony-Ericsson lack the knowledge on management of production process and supply chain management. The third issue was technology transfer. Sony contributed the screen and camera technology to Sony-Ericsson. All the related technology was explored in Japan and transferred to Europe. It took a long time for the technology can be applied based on the telecom infrastructure in Europe. The core handset technology came from Ericsson. EMP combined the software and chip as product, which is a new business model. As above information indicated, EMP didnt be included in the joint venture deal. And the cost of EMP was really high because of the exploration of 3G and GSM at the same time. Thus EMP served Sony-Ericsson as customer, as well as Siemens, LG, and Samsung. In the first year of the joint ventures operation, Sony-Ericsson lost 292 million and didnt made profit until 2003. Sony and Ericsson were not satisfied with the performance of the joint venture. However, they still tried to inject capital into Sony-Ericsson in 2003. The Sony-Ericsson walkman branded mobile was doing well at the beginning. However, it had been over taken by music mobile from other manufacturer as iPhone and other brand recent years. The collaboration between the two big companies has been considered as one of the most complex one. It took long time to implement and consolidate. Compare to the previous soft alliances, Sony aimed to build a stable collaboration to expand the mobile business. In summary, the joint venture is able to combine the technical strength from both sides. As identified before, Sony is good at the multimedia customer electronics. The first series of products is walkman portfolio. Sony transferred their multimedia technology to Sony-Ericsson. While Ericsson contributed the core handset technology and telecom infrastructure which enable Sony-Ericsson to release series of mobile phone based on cooperation with telecom operators. But due to Sony dont want to invest at the beginning. The core handset technology still has been kept in EMP. This is one of the mistakes of Sony in this collaboration. EMP was focusing on integration of software to system. And it became one of the advanced research cen ter on GSM and 3G. However the operation cost of EMP kept on increasing. Sony-Ericsson purchased chip with software from EMP, which was a high-cost component. Even though, EMP couldnt balance the cost and income. It had to supply other mobile companies for sustaining. Sony-Ericsson cant involve the management of the EMP. This will become a weak point in the future. The managers of Sony-Ericsson initially came from Sony and Ericsson, but the management was isolated from Sony and Ericsson. The challenge issue here is the different culture of the two companies. Globalization is a common phenomenon everywhere. Even difference of culture can be solved in personal level. Its quite difficult to merge a big group of people with totally different culture. Sony is a big international company. However, it still holds a perspective of business strategy, marketing, design, and product development, etc different with other western companies. Compare to Sony, Ericsson is a low masculinity organization which has low work stress, high gender quality, equality between employees, and team work. In traditional Japanese company, staff cant question the bosss instruction which is observation in western company. Thus Sony-Ericsson created their own company value as Passionate, Innovation and Responsive. [Caroline Sanja, 2007] Phase1 Culture Awareness Phase2 Creating new culture Phase3 Managing SEMC Culture Seminar Workshop Leadership Programs Fig2. Developing Sony-Ericsson culture [Caroline Sanja, 2007] The Fig2 indicates how Sony-Ericssons own culture has been developed. The difference of business strategy between the two organization cause many friction in the collaboration. The CEO of Sony mentioned this issue in 2008, that if the Sony-Ericsson cant work towards the same goal, its very difficult for this collaboration to continue. Generally speaking, the joint venture ran with several issues at the first two years. This directly affected the financial performance of Sony-Ericsson. Due to this bad performance, it almost leaded to an end of the collaboration. However, finally both Sony and Ericsson injected a certain amount of capital to the joint venture. Sony-Ericsson performs relatively well. But this collaboration didnt enable Sony-Ericsson to compete with Nokia and Samsung in the market. Discussion on outcome from Sony and Ericssons point of views in terms of success and failure of this collaboration From both of Sony and Ericssons point of views, it is benefit to look for a partner to establish a joint venture. This alliance can bring advantage as risk reduction, international expansion, technology transfer, sharing capital facilities and equipment. Once the joint venture establishes, the tangible and intangible assets will be transferred from parents to the joint venture. The tangible assets include capital facilities and equipment, technology and patents. The intangible assets may include the brand name, explored market, reputation of company, etc. Sony was in a reasonable good place in Japan before the collaboration. And they found the mobile business is a growing business. However, Sony was not a major player in GSM market in the global market. However, Sony is very excellent on product design. It wouldnt be difficult for Sony to gain more market share from the initial 2%. But if Sony want to be a major player, its not enough to rely on product design and multimedia expertise only. According to the previous experience on soft alliance, Sony realized joint venture would be the best choice to work with partner in this business. The benefit to conduct this collaboration with Ericsson is Ericsson is experienced in European market; It obtains the infrastructure of telecom and it has handset technology; in 2000, Ericsson rank number 3 in mobile phone market. Sony can enter European market easily with this partner and also can built the brand name for other business of Sony as TV. Sony doesnt have to invest on infrastructure and tec hnology on this deal. However, the failure of this collaboration to Sony is the EMP. Sony didnt want to invest in EMP initially in 2000. Consequently Sony is not able to learn from the Ericsson for the core handset technology. Furthermore, EMP is one of the most advanced research center for GSM and 3G technology. To sustain the operation, EMP sells products to Sony-Ericsson, Samsung, and Nokia. And Sony-Ericsson didnt have any advantage from it. From Sonys point of view, its able to enter the international mainstream market of mobile phone via the joint venture. In this collaboration, Sony can utilize the advantage of product design. Sony also learn a lot from western company on business management for example supply chain management, which contributes a lot on Sonys global expansion. The experience of collaboration also has been considered as internal good practice . After collaborated with Ericsson, Sony also collaborates with companies as DoCoMo in other business. [Sigurdson, 200 4] The performance of Sony-Ericsson compare to the initial purpose isnt so good. Especially in 2008, Sony and Ericsson had to inject 1.8 million Euro to Sony-Ericsson again to overcome the economic crisis. And Sony showed disappoint on this collaboration in terms of disagreement on business strategy. Up to now, even Sony entered the mainstream market. It still cant compete with other major competitors in the market. Before the collaboration, Ericsson obtained 10% market share in the mobile phone market. But Ericsson kept on losing money and market share. Meanwhile, the high operation cost of EMP drive the company to seek for a partner to share or take over the operation cost. Ericsson has a good base in terms of infrastructure, handset technology, and operator relationship. However, the mainstream of mobile phone became multi-functional mobile. Ericsson has no experience and strength on that. Sony became the best choice to cooperate. The initial idea of Ericsson is to sell all handset business include the core technology. But top management didnt want to abandon the mobile business and then its very important to keep the technology within the company. The collaboration with Sony enables Ericsson to focus on 3G technology development. From Ericssons point of view, the collaboration with Sony brought them technology of multimedia expertise which Sony is one of the advanced companies in the world. However, all the Research and Development of screen and camera are conducted in Japan directly. Ericsson has not been involved in it. The success point of this collaboration to Ericsson, its able to produce the mobile phone to satisfy customers increasing needs. Through the collaboration, Ericsson also learned product design from Sony, which is different with Ericsson. And the Japan-based company enable the company understand the trends from the advanced mobile market. Furthermore, Ericsson also learned management skill from the Japanese company. But according to the performance of Sony-Ericsson, the market share cant catch with Nokia and Samsung. They have fiercely competition with Motorola and LG in the main market. From both of their view, this collaboration is not easy to be conducted. Due to many issues and conflicts, Sony-Ericsson cant achieve a maximum profit and increase the market share as expected. Technically, Sony Ericsson combined the core technology from Ericsson mobile business and Sonys multimedia technology. This form of collaboration worked well in the first 3 years. Walkman mobile phone was released very successful. However, todays mobile phone has been expected a lot from customers. Sony-Ericsson didnt cooperate well to work on the RD on new technology. The two companies still have a lot of conflicts on the business concept, and the inefficacy management on that may lead to an end of the cooperation. From the point view of the profitability, this collaboration didnt achieve the expectation in the first two years until the third quarter of 2003. During the economic crisis period, Sony-Ericsson experienced tough time. The parent companies have expected payback in the last 10 year s. The further research can be conducted to discuss whether Sony-Ericsson can be more successful. And it also can be compared to the collaboration between Siemens and BenQ.

Charlotte Brontes Jane eyre and Jean Rhys Wide Sargasso Sea Essay exa

Charlotte Bronte's Jane eyre and Jean Rhys' Wide Sargasso Sea The Sargasso Sea is a relatively still sea, lying within the south-west zone of the North Atlantic Ocean, at the centre of a swirl of warm ocean currents. Metaphorically, for Jean Rhys, it represented an area of calm, within the wide division between England and the West Indies. Within such an area, a sense of stability, permanence and identity may be attained, despite the powerful, whirling currents which surround it. But outside of this ?sea?, one may be destabilised, drawn away by these outside forces, into the vast expanse of ?ocean? between the West Indies and Europe. Outside of these metaphorical and geographical oceanic areas, one may become the victim of these currents, subject to their vagaries and fluctuations, no longer able to personally define, with any certainty, where one is culturally or geographically located. For Jean Rhys, Jane Eyre depicted representations of a Creole woman and West Indian history which she knew to be inaccurate. ?Bertha Mason is mad; and she came from a mad family; idiots and maniacs through three generations. Her mother, the Creole, was both a madwoman and a drunkard!? She is further described as having a ?discoloured face?, ?a savage face? with ?fearful blackened inflation? of the features, ?the lips were swelled and dark?; described as a demon, witch, vampire, beast and hyena1. But nowhere in the novel does Bronte allow ?the madwoman in the attic? to have a voice, to explain what may have caused her madness. Rhys says: ?The mad wife in Jane Eyre always interested me. I was convinced that Charlotte Bronte must have had something against the West Indies and I was angry about it. Otherwise, why did she take a West Indian for that horrible lunatic, for that really dreadful creature2 So in Wide Sargasso Sea, Rhys rewrites Bronte?s canonical text according to her own, personal experiences, as both a white West Indian and a woman. But, giving Antoinette a voice, she exposes truth behind madness: The history of the land in which she lived, and the role of the woman in it, was a tale of Victorian, patriarchal values and colonial exploitation; polarised ideology, division and confrontation in racial, cultural, sexual and historical issues. In a literary sense, Antoinette?s voice, once heard, would not only offer mitigating reasons for her madness... ...tim of Victorian patriarchal colonialism she sought to give her a voice. In giving her a voice, she also revisits her own childhood and life experiences, giving herself the chance to be heard: To locate herself, emotionally, culturally and in literary terms, within the many binary oppositions in the book. To find a stable and secure place like the Wide Sargasso Sea. Works Cited: ANGIER, Carole: Jean Rhys London, Penguin, 1992. BAER, Elizabeth. R: ?The Sisterhood of Jane Eyre and Antoinette Cosway?, in Elizabeth Abel, Marianne Hirsch and Elizabeth Langland, eds The Voyage In: Fictions of Female Development London, University Press of New England, 1983, pp.131-149. BOUMELHA, Penny: ?Jane Eyre, Jamaica and the Gentleman?s House?, Southern Review, 21 July 1988. BRONTE, Charlotte: Jane Eyre Middlesex, Penguin, 1994. ERWIN, Lee: ?Like a Looking Glass?: History and Narrative in Wide Sargasso Sea in Novel, Winter 1989 HAVELY, Cicely Palser: Wide Sargasso Sea: Real and Imagined Islands BBC TV, 1998. NEWMAN, Julie: ?I Walked With a Zombie?, in The Ballistic Bard: Postcolonial Fictions London, Arnold, 1995. RHYS, Jean: Wide Sargasso Sea London: Penguin, 1997.

Operating System Essay

1. What is the application Zenmap GUI typically used for? Describe a scenario in which you would use this type of application. Zenmap is an application that is used to scan ports for networks. A scenario where it can be used is to scan the ports of a network to know exactly which ports are opened or closed thus allowing a network administrator to reduce the vulnerability of its network. 2. Which application is used for Step 2 in the hacking process to perform a vulnerability assessment scan? Nessus. 3. What must you obtain before you begin the ethical hacking process or penetration test on a live production network, even before performing the reconnaissance step? One must obtain a signed authorization form showing exactly what kind of test you are authorized to perform. 4. What is a CVE listing? Who hosts and who sponsors the CVE database listing website? CVE listing is a dictionary of publicly known information security vulnerabilities and exposures. IT is hosted by the Office of Cybersecurity and Communications at the U.S. Department of Homeland Security 5. Can Zenmap GUI detect which operating systems are present on IP servers and workstations? Which option includes that scan? Yes, the OS detection using TCP/IP stack fingerprinting option includes that scan. 6. If you have scanned a live host and detected that it is running Windows XP workstation OS, how would you use this information for performing a Nessus vulnerability assessment scan? One can use this information to create a policy of vulnerabilities that you want Nessus to scan for on that specific host. 7. Once a vulnerability is identified by Nessus, where can you check for more information regarding the identified vulnerability, exploits, and the risk mitigation solution? You can check the report generated by Nessus, specifically in the hostname plugin ID which will give you a detailed description of the vulnerability found along with possible mitigation solutions. 8. What is the major difference between Zenmap GUI and Nessus? The major difference between Zenmap GUI and Nessus is that Zenmap only a scanner that maps a network and gives you information about open ports but Nessus is a vulnerability scanner than scans a network and gives a report on how vulnerable that specific port is. The main difference is one gives a report on how to fix a vulnerability in a port while the other doesn’t. 9. Why do you need to run both Zenmap GUI and Nessus to perform the first three steps of the hacking process? You need both Zenmap GUI and Nessus to perform the first 3 steps of the hacking process because Zenmap GUI and Nessus are used to perform different tasks and steps in the hacking process therefore you would not be able to perform the first 3 steps effectively using only one software. Both are needed.

Jackson Pollack essays

Jackson Pollack essays On the floor I am more at ease, I feel nearer, more a part of the painting, since this way I can walk around in it, work from the four sides and be literally in the painting. These are the words of the great 1940s artist Jackson Pollack, a commanding figure in the Abstract Expressionist movement. In this essay I will talk a little about Pollacks history, his work Full Fathom Five, and the parallels between Pollacks work and 1940s lifestyle. Paul Jackson Pollock was born in Cody, Wyoming in January of 1912. His family frequently moved around the western United States, as his father took various jobs to support them. When his father finally landed a steady job as a land surveyor in the Grand Canyon and other parts of the Southwest, Pollock often joined him. He later remarked that his memories of the panoramic landscape influenced his artistic vision. In 1930, Pollock joined his 2 brothers in New York at the Art Students League. He studied under the Regionalist painter Thomas Hart Benton. Pollocks works in the 1930s had Regionalist and slight Surrealist influences in them. The early 1940s marked a significant change in Pollocks style of painting. Native American motifs and other pictographic imagery began to play a role in his paintings, which showed the beginning of a new, more mature style. By the mid-1940s, Pollock began painting completely abstract. With his 1949 painting Full Fathom Five, Pollock truly showed what art could become. He began using his drip technique in 1947. Pollock would fix his canvas to the floor and drip paint from a can using a variety of objects to manipulate the paint. He would use nails, coins, needles, and various other small objects on the canvas itself and let the paint flow around them. It is one of the first action ...

History Of Bullet Proof Vests

History Of Bullet Proof Vests Humans throughout recorded history have used various types of materials as body armor to protect themselves from injury in combat and other dangerous situations. The first protective clothing and shields were made from animal skins. As civilizations became more advanced, wooden shields and then metal shields came into use. Eventually, metal was also used as body armor, what we now refer to as the suit of armor associated with the knights of the Middle Ages. However, with the invention of firearms around 1500, metal body armor became ineffective. Then only real protection available against firearms were stone walls or natural barriers such as rocks, trees, and ditches. Soft Body Armor One of the first recorded instances of the use of soft body armor was by the medieval Japanese, who used armor manufactured from silk. It was not until the late 19th century that the first use of soft body armor in the United States was recorded. At that time, the military explored the possibility of using soft body armor manufactured from silk. The project even attracted congressional attention after the assassination of President William McKinley in 1901. While the garments were shown to be effective against low-velocity bullets, those traveling at 400 feet per second or less, they did not offer protection against the new generation of handgun ammunition being introduced at that time. Ammunition that traveled at velocities of more than 600 feet per second. This, along with the prohibitive cost of silk made the concept unacceptable. Silk armor of this type was said to have been worn by Archduke Francis Ferdinand of Austria when he was killed by a shot to the head, thereby precipitat ing World War I. Early Bullet Proof Vests Patents The U.S. Patent and Trademark Office lists records dating back to 1919 for various designs of bulletproof vests and body armor type garments. One of the first documented instances where such a garment was demonstrated for use by law enforcement officers was detailed in the April 2, 1931, edition of the Washington, D.C., Evening Star, where a bulletproof vest was demonstrated to members of the Metropolitan Police Department. Flak Jacket The next generation of the anti-ballistic bullet proof vest was the World War II flak jacket made from ballistic nylon. The flak jacket provided protection primarily from ammunition fragments and was ineffective against most pistol and rifle threats. Flak jackets were also very cumbersome and bulky. Lightweight Body Armor It would not be until the late 1960s that new fibers were discovered that made todays modern generation of cancelable body armor possible. The National Institute of Justice or NIJ initiated a research program to investigate the development of lightweight body armor that on-duty policemen could wear full time. The investigation readily identified new materials that could be woven into a lightweight fabric with excellent ballistic resistant properties. Performance standards were set that defined ballistic resistant requirements for police body armor. Kevlar In the 1970s, one of the most significant achievements in the development of body armor was the invention of DuPonts Kevlar ballistic fabric. Ironically, the fabric was originally intended to replace steel belting in vehicle tires. The development of kevlar body armor by NIJ was a four-phase effort that took place over several years. The first phase involved testing kevlar fabric to determine whether it could stop a lead bullet. The second phase involved determining the number of layers of material necessary to prevent penetration by bullets of varying speeds and calibers and developing a prototype vest that would protect officers against the most common threats: the 38 Special and the 22 Long Rifle bullets. Researching Kevlar Bullet Proof Vests By 1973, researchers at the Armys Edgewood Arsenal responsible for the bulletproof vest design had developed a garment made of seven layers of Kevlar fabric for use in field trials. It was determined that the penetration resistance of Kevlar was degraded when wet. The bullet resistant properties of the fabric also diminished upon exposure to ultraviolet light, including sunlight. Dry-cleaning agents and bleach also had a negative effect on the antiballistic properties of the fabric, as did repeated washing. To protect against these problems, the vest was designed with waterproofing, as well as with fabric coverings to prevent exposure to sunlight and other degrading agents. Medical Testing of Body Armor The third phase of the initiative involved extensive medical testing,  to determine the performance level of body armor that would be necessary to save police officers lives. It was clear to researchers that even when a bullet was stopped by the flexible fabric, the impact and resulting trauma from the bullet would leave a severe bruise at a minimum and, at worst, could kill by damaging critical organs. Subsequently, army scientists designed tests to determine the effects of blunt trauma, which is injuries suffered from forces created by the bullet impacting the armor. A byproduct of the research on blunt trauma was the improvement of tests that measure blood gasses, which indicate the extent of injuries to the lungs. The final phase involved monitoring the armors wearability and effectiveness. An initial test in three cities determined that the vest was wearable, it did not cause undue stress or pressure on the torso, and it did not prevent the normal body movement necessary for police work. In 1975, an extensive field test of the new Kevlar body armor was conducted, with 15 urban police departments cooperating. Each department served a population larger than 250,000, and each had experienced officer assault rates higher than the national average. The tests involved 5,000 garments, including 800 purchased from commercial sources. Among the factors evaluated were comfort ​when worn for a full working day, its adaptability in extremes of temperature, and its durability through long periods of use. The demonstration project armor issued by NIJ was designed to ensure a 95 percent probability of survival after being hit with a .38 caliber bullet at a velocity of 800 ft/s. Furthermore, the probability of requiring surgery if hit by a projectile was to be 10 percent or less. A final report released in 1976 concluded that the new ballistic material was effective in providing a bullet resistant garment that was light and wearable for full-time use. Private industry was quick to recognize the potential market for the new generation of body armor, and body armor became commercially available in quantity even before the NIJ demonstration program.

The Effect of Literacy and Education of Women on Conditions in the Essay

The Effect of Literacy and Education of Women on Conditions in the Middle East - Essay Example Freedom of choice is the main priority given by education and knowledge. Today, women in the Middle East are limited by their narrow worldview based on domestic values and prejudices (Jaffee 68). â€Å"Thus money is spent on boys, who could eventually pay it back† (Faisal 2003). Education and knowledge would give women great opportunity to choose their life path and become free from other people and events. From the social point of view, knowledge and education give the feeling of personal freedom and mobility. If women lack literary skills and education, democratic rights and freedom of speech and expression cannot make people free, because they cannot understand true meaning of these institutions (Rejwan 45). In modern world, a woman should be free to choose her life path and accept decisions based on this knowledge. To some extent, education embodies personal democracy for Muslim women, acting as a social leveling force, granting more and more people a wide range of personal choices (Moghadam 17). For instance, education would support democracy and lead to absence of physical oppression, result in a sustained outpouring of human creative activity in every form imaginable. The fundamental change would lead to new society based on equal rights and employme nt opportunities, abolition of patriarchy and male dominance in all spheres of life. Education and literacy would change family life and give women opportunities to become free from a father’s or husband’s will. Education and literacy would have a great impact on the society which can be compared with social changes in Europe and America at the end of the 19th century. During this period of time, women received a chance to educate themselves and became a strong political and social force. This tendency led to women rights movement and equal employment opportunities and protection of their family life

Examining Alternatives to Globalization Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 2

Examining Alternatives to Globalization - Essay Example Economically, globalization has had the positive impact of reducing poverty. This has been through inventions which are established in the poor countries by the developed countries. The inventions create employment and at same time provide various products in the market. Socially, immigration of foreigners in the developing countries has led to improved cultural practices. Politically, globalization has led to countries adopting better ways of governance through corporations with other countries (Chan, 2002). For instance there is an increase in gender equality as many countries have had increased number of women in parliament. As opposed to the supporters, the opponents of globalization argue that globalization has led to many negative effects in the world. According to them it has led to the poor countries being poorer due the increasing price of commodities. Supporters of globalization have celebrated the increased consumerism that has resulted from access to the global market. Through globalization, different countries have been able to consume different item which are not even produced in their countries. For example in East Africa people are able to drive vehicles not made in Japan and other parts of the world. This has been made possible through the increased corporations around the globe such the trade unions. Developing countries have been adopting consumption models of the western countries. This is because their models of consumption have been the driving force in developing countries’ market liberation. As a result of globalization the worlds economy has always been on the increase .For instance community obligations associated with globalization have reduced incidences of poverty in the world. According to Chan (2002), over the last thirty five years the third world countries have made a significant progress in poverty reduction.

The Effects of Global Warming Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

The Effects of Global Warming - Research Paper Example From this paper it is clear that  global warming is likely to cause an increase in temperatures, which results in flooding along the coast. Researchers show that the sea level has risen by around four to eight inches in the 20th century alone. The increase in sea level results from the expansion of sea water. Also, experts feel that global warming will result in a massive increase in vector-borne diseases. Pathogens reproduce very fast when in warm temperatures. Some of the most significant diseases include rodents and mosquitoes.This study highlights that  the consequences of global warming result in a lot of damages to the environment and will likely lead to adverse outcomes for the future generations. Some of the outcomes include deadly heat waves, rising of the sea level and flooding, droughts and wildfires. Also, global warming will result in an increase in diseases such as malaria. Moreover, the ecology of the earth will become imbalanced because of the melting ice and moun tain glaciers.  Global warming plays a huge role in the change of the planet’s ecology. Most of the causes of global warming are human activities. For example, production activities and energy production activities result in a release of gases into the atmosphere that traps the planet’s heat before it gets fully radiated. Therefore, it is important to conduct a study of the causes of global warming and the likely solutions to the problems that result from the phenomenon.

The Adventure of the Speckled Band Essay Example for Free

The Adventure of the Speckled Band Essay When we first meet Helen Stoner, her personality describes her as a kind and pious woman. She lived with her step-father, the only relative alive. She has no persona because she is an honest person and she shares her feelings with everyone. Her motivation is to find out how her sister has been murdered. In that time and place, womens status were low therefore, they were not considered as important as men: â€Å"It is not cold that makes me shiver† This leads to the theme of lonliness because she feels that she is alone and haso one to go to but Holmes. This whole quote is a powerful symbol which tells the reader that she is in a terrible condition. Also, it puts an image in the readers mind of the structures and features of the body that must have worn out due to a long period of time of stress. This is typical of women when they loose a relative that they be in deep depression. When we first meet Dr. Roylott, his background personality has already been revealed by his step daughter. His motivation is to keep Helen under control. Dr. Roylott has no persona because his personality reveals himself as an angry and aggressive man. In that time and place, England were at the centre of the world therefore Dr. Roylott incredibly thinks he is a powerful master. Also, he has a pet cheetah which symbolises that he is forgein and by keeping this pet, Dr. Roylott imitates himself as this powerful preditor. As later text in films such as Blade, in which he is half human . half vampire? In this case, British people will be afraid of him because of his tan which give him the air of not being from the Brtitish Isles. â€Å"A large face, seared with a thousand wrinkles. † This leads to the theme of stress because he has spent his life in prison because he killed someone in Calcutta. Also, it leads to the theme of power because of him having a medical degree and that he is a doctor – thoses were high classed jobs. The word â€Å"thousand wrinkles† symbolises that a person has been living a miserable life. The word â€Å"seared† also puts an image in the readers mind that in prison he must have lived a tourtourous life. Also, â€Å"seared† means burned so it reminds the reader that he is forgien. When we first meet Sherlock Holmes, his personality reveals himself as a kind but stern person. His motivation is to solve the mystery of Helen’s sisters death. He has no persona because he is an honest person and as part of a scientific dectective their job is not to be biased but to take everything into account. In that time and place, detectives didn’t consider women as important unless their came with their husbands, fathers or other male relatives. To grab the dectectives attention, unlike Holmes, he treats women and men as equals. His place in society is high because firstly he is a scientific detective and because he loves investigating the real cause of murders for no financial gain, this shows that people have more respect for them as he understand the needs of humanity. A later text, this sort of dectective comes in the film ‘The Fugitive’ because the dectective in the film describes himself a lot like Holmes. â€Å"Dark enough and sinister enough. † This leads to the theme of cunning and cleaverness because as soon as Helencame in, he spotted all the signs on her body that had a link to Dr. Roylott. Also, it leads to the theme of magic and witch craft because usually, witchcraft is more of a major sin than committing a murder but Sherlock Holmes is expressing his thoughts clearly believes that killing someone is a grave sin. This whole quote is a powerful symbol because when he says â€Å"Dark enough† it means that this case is full of obstacles and the words â€Å"sinister enough† means that this kind of case cannot get more evil. Also, if you put the quote together, it makes the reader feel that as if the sin that has been committed there is no forgiveness.

Bushs War On Terror and the Erosion of Civil Liberties Essay -- Polit

Bush's War On Terror and the Erosion of Civil Liberties Nearly all the amendments in the Bill of Rights have been reduced since the beginning of the war. The fourth through eighth amendments have been especially hit hard by this â€Å"war.† Search & seizure, due process, a speedy and public trial with a jury, and cruel & unusual punishment have all been disregarded as part of the current administration’s policy. The â€Å"War On Terror† has effectively eroded the civil liberties that Americans fought centuries for. Through the passing of the USA PATRIOT Act, the government can now search a â€Å"suspected† terrorist’s property without their knowledge and even without a warrant. Although this could be a well-needed exception to warrants, as it is the same way drug dealers and organized crime offenders have been investigated, identifying a â€Å"suspected† terrorist is not nearly as easy as an active criminal. As shown by the events of September 11, the terrorists that hijacked the planes were part of a â€Å"sleeper cell† which stays dormant until tipped off by somebody above them in the organization....

Song Analysis: We Didn’t Start the Fire by Billy Joel Essay example --

Every song has a story to tell, and some contain hidden stories or lessons, while others are completely blatant. In Billy Joel’s song, â€Å"We Didn’t Start the Fire,† he does not hesitate to be very obvious with what he tries to prove, which is how all of the events in his song contribute to one large fire. I chose to remediate Joel’s song because it spoke to me with historical context. When researching the song, I read a majority of the history behind it and decided to reflect upon it in a visual picture collage, combining a majority of the elements he mentions with pictures--all circled around a fire in the middle. I decided to also make red-dyed cupcakes reflecting the fire Joel speaks of and ice them with a flame, yet placing an X over it, since he claims â€Å"we didn’t start the fire.† Both of my remediation’s have elaborate histories, first starting with the collage. There is quite an intricate past of collages, beginning in the early 1900’s. The history of collages goes back to the time of Picasso. That is not really that long at all, so collages are relatively new compared to painting which began during the time of cavemen. â€Å"The first deliberate and innovative use of collage in fine art came in two works by Picasso in the spring of 1912† (Kachur 1). Picasso was not considered the one who created the collage, but rather the first to apply it to modern art in that time. It is not only fabulous artists who use collages. A lot of teenagers may create collages without even knowing it, just by assembling pictures of their family and friends, or of magazine clippings. Collages can be extremely dynamic or exceptionally simple, depending on who the artist is and the purpose of the piece of art. Collages are a great way to visually repres... ... a bookmark in history representing the events people had to encounter throughout those 40 years. Works Cited Delahunt, Michael. â€Å"Collage.† Artcyclopedia.com. Web. 5 Nov. 2009. Kachur, Lewis. â€Å"Collage.† Grove Art Online. Oxford Art Online. 5 Nov. 2009. Musser, George. â€Å"Cupcakes.† Academic Search Premier. Sept. 2009. Web. 4 Nov. 2009. Stern, Fred. â€Å"A short history of collage (The Arts).† World and I. Dec. 2008. General OneFile. Web. 4 Nov. 2009. â€Å"We Didn’t Start the Fire.† Wikipedia.com. 30 Oct. 2009. Web. 4 Nov. 2009. Delahunt, Michael. â€Å"Collage.† Artcyclopedia.com. Web. 5 Nov. 2009. Kachur, Lewis. â€Å"Collage.† Grove Art Online. Oxford Art Online. 5 Nov. 2009. Stern, Fred. â€Å"A short history of collage (The Arts).† World and I. Dec. 2008. General OneFile. Web. 4 Nov. 2009. â€Å"We Didn’t Start the Fire.† Wikipedia.com. 30 Oct. 2009. Web. 4 Nov. 2009.

Taj Mahal

128 ebba koch EBBA KOCH THE TAJ MAHAL: ARCHITECTURE, SYMBOLISM, AND URBAN SIGNIFICANCE Much has been written on the Taj Mahal, but little has been said about its architecture. There has been only one interpretation of the symbolism of the mausoleum,1 and the urban situation of the monument in the city of Agra has been almost entirely neglected. In brief form, this essay presents the main results of a recently completed monograph in which I address these issues. 2 The Taj Mahal is the Mughals’ great contribution to world architecture, and, as the contemporary sources reveal, it was conceived as such from the very beginning (? . 1). In the words of Shah Jahan’s early historian Muhammad Amin Qazwini, writing in the 1630s: And a dome of high foundation and a building of great magni? cence was founded—a similar and equal to it the eye of the Age has not seen under these nine vaults of the enamel-blue sky, and of anything resembling it the ear of Time has not heard in any of the past ages†¦it will be the masterpiece of the days to come, and that which adds to the astonishment of humanity at large. 3 Not only was the monument to be a magni? cent burial place for Mumtaz Mahal, Shah Jahan’s beloved wife (d. 631), but also—and this is explicitly pointed out by the emperor’s main historian {Abd al-Hamid Lahawri—it was to testify to the power and glory of Shah Jahan (r. 1628–58) and Mughal rule: They laid the plan for a magni? cent building and a dome of high foundation which for its loftiness will until the Day of Resurrection remain a memorial to the sky-reaching ambition of His Majesty, the Sahib Qiran-Thani (Second Lord of the Auspicious Conjunction of the Planets Jupiter and Venus), and its strength will represent the ? rmness of the intentions of its builder. In other words, the Taj Mahal was built with posterity in mind, and we the viewers are part of its concept. I came to study the Taj Mahal in the conte xt of a survey of the palaces and gardens of Shah Jahan that I have been conducting since 1976 as part of a larger survey of Mughal architecture. With the assistance of Dr. Yunus Jaffery from Dr. Zakir Hussain College in Delhi,5 I have established from the Persian sources a corpus of thirty-? ve Shahjahani palaces (sing. dawlatkh? na) and garden residences (sing. b? gh), of which twenty-four proved upon ? ld investigation to exist in varying sizes and states of preservation. In the whole of Islamic architecture, this is the largest extant body of palaces built by a single patron. Entirely new measured drawings of seventeen palaces were prepared by the Indian architect Richard A. Barraud, who drew them on the basis of measurements he and I made during extensive ? eldwork,6 which I undertook because many of these complexes are hardly or not at all recorded. Altogether, Mughal architecture, like the Islamic architecture of India in general, is not well documented.The art historian cann ot rely on measured drawings to the same extent possible for the better-documented areas of Islamic architecture or for Western historical architecture in general. The pioneering surveys of the Archaeological Survey of India from the end of the nineteenth and the ? rst half of the twentieth centuries included several Mughal sites, but only a few—such as the monographs of Edmund W. Smith on Fatehpur Sikri and on Akbar’s Tomb at Sikandra—were published. 7 More often than not, when one wants to have an exact plan of a building one has to go and measure it.On the other hand, while establishing this basic documentation, the art historian is confronted by all the questions the discipline has developed in the span of its existence, during which the approach has moved from formal assessment and analysis towards contextual studies. I began my survey of the palaces at Agra and, during the 1980s, spent months in the Red Fort, measuring and photographing its buildings. From here the Taj Mahal was always before my eyes at a distance across the river Yamuna, popularly called Jamna (? g. 2), and one of these views eventually became the cover image of my book Mughal Architecture (1991), in which he taj mahal: architecture, symbolism, and urban signi? cance 129 Fig. 1. Agra, Taj Mahal (1632–43), mausoleum and flanking buildings seen from the upper level of the gate. (Photo: Ebba Koch, 1996) I dealt with the Taj Mahal for the ? rst time, albeit only brie? y. 8 I felt overwhelmed by its perfection, splendor, and sheer size. Eventually I realized that as a scholar I was not alone in my awe of the famous building. The vast literature on the Taj Mahal comprises surprisingly few serious scholarly studies and, as I pointed out at the beginning, there is as yet no monograph or modern analytical treatise dedicated to its architecture. At the same time I came to realize that many answers to my questions about Shah Jahan’s palaces and gardens lay in the Taj Mahal as the ultimate project of his architectural patronage. The ? nal incentive to study it in detail came in 1994, when the editors of the second edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam asked me to write the article on the building. 10 This started my project of newly documenting and analyzing the entire mausoleum complex; I am the ? rst Western scholar since India gained independence in 1947 to have received permission for such an undertaking, through the generosity of the Archaeological Sur- ey of India. With Richard Barraud I have been measuring and photographing the buildings of the complex in intermittent expeditions during the last ten years. 11 The survey has brought me into the remotest corners of the Taj Mahal, and this close encounter with the architecture has revealed the contribution of the anonymous workmen who inscribed their mason marks on the stones. 12 I began my analysis by looking at the entire complex of the Taj Mahal and at its urban situation. I could not help noticing that the Taj Mahal invites an approach that coincides with what since the 1970s might be termed a â€Å"deconstructive reading. According to Jaques Derrida, the main propagator of this method of disassembling and questioning established notions, all Western thought is based on the idea of centers—Origin, Truth, Ideal Form, Fixed Point, Immovable Mover, Essence, God, and Presence—that guarantee all meaning. The problem with these centers is that they attempt to exclude. In doing so they ignore, repress, or marginalize others. 13 Even those 130 ebba koch Fig. 2. Taj Mahal, mausoleum flanked by mosque (right) and Mihman Khana (left), seen across the river Jamna. (Photo: Ebba Koch, 1985) ho are tiring of deconstruction will see that the idea of center-and-margin illustrates the perception of the Taj too tellingly not to be included in this discussion. Traditionally, the white building of the mausoleum takes the position of the center in the conception of th e beholder, who hardly notices the large complex at the end of which it stands. Due to the prominence of the tomb, its surrounding architecture has received very little attention—in other words, it has been marginalized. It thus seems important ? rst to consider the entire complex, especially its subsidiary courtyards, which emerge as integral components of its design.In addition, I have extended the investigation of the surroundings of the Taj to its larger environment, to its relationship to the city of Agra. ANALYSIS OF THE COMPLEX The mausoleum is set at the northern end of the main axis of a vast oblong walled-in complex that mea- sures 896. 10 x 300. 84 m (? g. 3), which works out to 1112. 5 x 374 Shahjahani gaz. Of this complex, the tomb garden and its forecourt are fully preserved; we measured it as 561. 20 x 300. 84 (300) m, that is, 696 x 374 (373) gaz (? g. 4). 14 The Shahjahani linear yard, called gaz or zir? , corresponds to about 81–82 cm, or 32 inches; o ur ? eld studies have shown that it was not an exact unit but a relative, proportionally used one, the length of which could vary slightly, even within one and the same building complex. For the overall length of the Taj complex, the average gaz ? gure comes to 80. 55 cm. The tomb garden consists of two main components: a cross-axial, four-fold garden—in the form of a classical ch? rb? gh (? g. 3: B)—and, towards the river, a raised terrace on which are placed the mausoleum and its ? anking buildings (? g. 3: A).In this, the Taj Mahal garden follows the form of the typical garden of Mughal Agra, the waterfront garden. As I have shown elsewhere, this is a speci? c form of the ch? rb? gh developed by the Mughals in response to the the taj mahal: architecture, symbolism, and urban signi? cance geographic conditions of the Indo-Gangetic plain, and more speci? cally for the riverfront situation at Agra. Here the water source was not a lively spring on a mountain slope, as i n the Mughals’ native Central Asia, but a large, slow-? owing river, from which the desired running water had to be brought into the garden by means of water lifts.Accordingly, the Mughals conceived a garden type to take advantage of this waterfront situation; the main building was not placed in the center of the garden, as in the classical Mughal ch? rb? gh, but rather on an oblong terrace (kurs? ) running along the riverfront. The garden component was on the landward side of the terrace. This shift towards the riverfront provided the main garden pavilions with the climatic advantages of running water and presented a carefully composed front to viewers on a boat or across the river (? g. 2). From the garden itself, the buildings presented an equally satisfying backdrop (? . 1). 15 URBAN CONTEXT Mughal Agra consisted of two bands of such riverfront gardens lining the Jamna, of which only a few survive today. The key to my reconstruction of this riverfront scheme, which formed the urban context of the Taj, is a plan of Agra dating from the 1720s, in the Maharaja Sawai Man Singh II Museum in the City Palace in Jaipur; to my knowledge it is the earliest plan of the city (? g. 5). 16 It shows forty-four garden complexes (including the Agra Fort) along the river and gives their names, which are usually those of their owners, in Devanagari script. 7 Information about these gardens can also be pieced together from the Mughal histories and eulogistic descriptions of Agra, in which gardens of members of the imperial family and of nobles are occasionally mentioned, especially in the context of an imperial visit. Another source is topographical descriptions of Agra written in Persian by local informants for British administrators after the British took Agra in 1803. In his Tafr? h al-{im? r? t (1825–26), Sil Chand describes the gardens of Agra by the same names as feature on the Jaipur plan. 8 The main owners of the riverfront gardens of Agra were the emper ors Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb, members of their imperial family, and their nobility the amirs and man? abd? rs. Even Mumtaz Mahal had a garden at Agra, which she bequeathed to her daughter Jahanara; what is left of this Bagh-i Jahanara is now known by the corrupted name Zahara Bagh and lies south of the 131 Ram Bagh, originally Nur Jahan’s Bagh-i Nur Afshan (? g. 5: 3 and 4; ? g. 6). 19 The evidence indicates that most of these gardens followed the riverfront design, with the main building on a terrace overlooking the river and a ch? rb? gh on the landward side. 0 ANALYSIS OF THE COMPLEX RESUMED The design of the Taj garden thus introduces an established Mughal residential garden type into the context of a monumental imperial mausoleum. The waterfront scheme not only determines the shape of the funerary garden of the Taj, it is also a key element in the planning of the entire Taj complex. At the part of it to the south of the garden is a large rectangle (? g. 3: C) whose centr al square forms the Taj forecourt, called jilawkh? na by Shah Jahan’s chroniclers, the of? cially appointed court historian {Abd al-Hamid Lahawri and Muhammad Salih Kanbu, who wrote on his own account.Both provide us with almost identical detailed descriptions of the entire Taj Mahal complex, on the occasion of its of? cial completion on 17 Dhu ’l-Qa{da 1052 (February 6, 1643). 21 Both historians are remarkably consistent in their use of architectural terms; I follow their terminology. The jilawkh? na square (? g. 3: 11) is framed on both of its shorter sides by two smaller courtyard enclosures. An open bazaar street (? g. 3: 12a, 12b) divides these courtyards and provides the main access to the jilawkh? na and, beyond that, through a monumental gateway (? g. 3: 9), to the tomb garden.The northern pair of courtyards contained the residential quarters for the tomb attendants, the khaw p? ras (? g. 3: 10a, 10b). The southern pair contained subsidiary tomb gardens of less er wives of Shah Jahan, whose identity is still under debate (? g. 3: 13a, 13b). These tomb enclosures echoed the design of the main tomb garden on a smaller scale because they followed the characteristic waterfront scheme of a cross-axial ch? rb? gh combined with an oblong terrace on which stood the tomb structure and its ? anking buildings. (These buildings, with one exception, are no longer preserved. On the outside of the Taj complex are three buildings, two to the west (? g. 3: 20, 21) and one to the east; the latter represents another subsidiary tomb complex of this type (? g. 3: 13c). The waterfront scheme is thus transferred to a landlocked situation in these miniature replicas of the main garden. Not only that, but the waterfront garden is also used as the ordering scheme for the entire sub- 132 ebba koch Fig. 3. Site plan of the Taj Mahal with terms derived from the Persian descriptions by Lahawri and Kanbu of 1643: A. riverfront terrace (kurs? ), B. tomb garden (b? gh), C . omplex of the forecourt (jilawkh? na), D. complex with cross-shaped (ch? r s? ) bazaar and four caravanserais (sar? }? ), 1. mausoleum (raw ¬a), 2. mosque (masjid), 3. assembly hall (mihm? n kh? na), 4a–f. wall towers (burj), 5. pool (haw ¬), 6. first temporary burial site of Mumtaz Mahal, 7a, b. garden wall pavilions ({im? rat) popularly called Naubat Khana (Drum House), 8. double arcaded galleries to the south of the garden (? w? n dar ? w? n), 9. gate (darw? za), 10a, b. quarters for tomb attendants (khaw p? ra), 11. forecourt (jilawkh? na), 12a–f. bazaar streets (b? z? r), 13a–c. ubsidiary tombs (maqbara) all popularly called Saheli Burj (Tower of the Female Friend), 14. gates (darw? za): 14a. popularly called Fatehpuri Gate, 14b. popularly called Fatehabad Gate, 15. gate (darw? za) popularly called Sirhi Darwaza, 16. caravan> the taj mahal: architecture, symbolism, and urban signi? cance 133 Fig. 4. Plan of the preserved complex. (Drawing: Richard A. Barraud and Ebba Koch) serai (sar? }? ) known since the eighteenth century as: 16a Katra (Market) Omar Khan, 16b. Katra Fulel (Market of Perfumes), 16c. Katra Resham (Silk Market), 16d. Katra Jogidas, 17. entral square (chawk), 18a, b. west and east gates of the bazaar and caravanserai complex, 19. south gate of the bazaar and caravanserai complex popularly called Dakhnay Darwaza, 20. outer western tomb, 21. mosque popularly called Fatehpuri Masjid. (Drawing: Richard A. Barraud and Ebba Koch) 134 ebba koch Fig. 5. Plan of Agra, drawn with added numbering after a plan painted on cloth datable to the 1720s, 294 x 272 cm, in the Maharaja Sawai Man Singh II Museum, City Palace, Jaipur (cat. no. 126): 3. Ram Bagh (Bagh-i Nur Afshan), 4. Zahara Bagh (Bagh-i Jahanara), 9. Tomb of I{timad al-Dawla, 17.Mahtab Bagh, 20. Taj Mahal, 28. Agra Fort. (Drawing: Richard A. Barraud and Ebba Koch) sidiary complex of the Taj. In order to understand the complete design, we must turn to contemporary desc ription and look at eighteenth- and nineteenthcentury plans (compare ? gs. 3 and 7). 22 From these it becomes apparent that south of the jilawkh? na there was another courtyard complex with a cross-axial arrangement (? g. 3: D). It was formed by open, intersecting bazaar streets (? g. 3: 12c, 12d, 12e, 12f), which corresponded to the walkways of the garden, and four squarish sar? }? , that is, caravanserais or inns (? g. 3: 16a, 16b, 16c, 16d), taking the place of the four gar- den plots. We meet here with a unique and highly creative transfer of a ch? rb? gh design onto a complex of utilitarian civic architecture. Hence the con? guration of the rectangular unit containing the jilawkh? na and the cross-axial unit to its south echoed the waterfront scheme of the Taj garden. The entire complex of the Taj Mahal thus consisted formally of two units following the waterfront design—that of the Taj garden, a true waterfront garden, and that of the landlocked variant of the subsidiar y units.The tomb garden and the subsidiary complex were the taj mahal: architecture, symbolism, and urban signi? cance 135 Fig. 6. Plan of preserved and reconstructible building substance of the so-called Zahara Bagh, identified as Bagh-i Jahanara (late 1620s to 1630s), Agra. (Drawing: Richard A. Barraud and Ebba Koch) connected not only formally but also functionally. The utilitarian unit serviced the funerary unit of the tomb garden. By imperial command the upkeep of the tomb was ? nanced by the income generated from the bazaars and caravanserais, in addition to that of thirty villages from the district of Agra. 3 The service unit was the counterpart (qar? na)24 of the tomb complex, linked to it by design and function. The two zones, the funerary and the â€Å"wordly,† relate also to the dialectics of the Islamic concept of d? n waduny? }, the domains of the spiritual and the material life. 25 Furthermore, the addition to the mausoleum complex of quarters for merchants and foreign travelers ensured â€Å"that the whole world should see and admire its magni? cence,† in the words of the French jeweler and traveler Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, who was in Agra in 1640–41, and again in 1665. 6 Its reception through world travelers—jah? n-naward? n or rawandah? – 136 ebba koch yi {? lam, as the Mughals called them27—thus forms an integral part of the concept of the Taj Mahal. Of this two-part service unit, the southern cross-axial component is the great mystery of the Taj Mahal: we do not really know how much of it survives. Hardly anybody who walks through the southern gate of the jilawkh? na (? g. 3: 15) and enters the narrow street with the marble inlay workshops realizes that this area, known as the Taj Ganj, was originally part of the Taj complex.Here a densely built city quarter has grown up in which the architecture of Shah Jahan has been buried almost entirely; today one can make out only fragments of the wings of the original bazaars and caravanserais. The four gates of the central square or chawk are preserved (although two only in part) and protected by the Archaeological Survey of India (? g. 8). The Taj Ganj is, however, an integral part of the Taj Mahal, an indispensable component of its planning. It has been lost, but there is no doubt that it should be given back to the Taj by some means.I am planning to do this in the form of an architectural model that will reconstruct the entire complex of the Taj Mahal, the River Jamna, and the imperial garden called Mahtab Bagh on the opposite side of the river. The model will enable visitors to understand that the Taj is unique not only because of the grandness of the tomb building but also because of the carefully planned creative design, the scale, and the multifunctional complexity of the entire compound. It will also draw attention to the Taj Mahal as a constituent part of the urban scheme of Agra.I envisage placing the model in the new Visitors ’ Center at the Taj Mahal, in the eastern and western courtyards of the khaw p? ras (? g. 9), today called, respectively, Fatehabad Gate Court and Fatehpuri Gate Court. The Taj Mahal Visitors’ Center is part of a new initiative for â€Å"the conservation and restoration†¦of the Taj Mahal and surrounding areas and a new site visitor management,† realized since 2001 in a partnership between the Indian government, represented by the Archaeological Survey of India, and the private sector—the Indian Hotels Company Ltd. that is, the Tata Group of Hotels. The project is monitored by the Taj Mahal Conservation Collaborative, directed by the conservation architect Rahul Mehrotra and by Amita Baig, and advised by a body of global experts of which I am part. 28 Fig. 7. Plan of the entire Taj Mahal complex with designations of the main buildings in Persian, late eighteenth or early nineteenth century, Museum fur Indische Kunst, Berlin, MIK 10060. the taj mahal: architecture, symbolism, and urban signi? cance 137 Fig. 8. Taj Mahal, bazaar and caravanserai complex (fig. : D), gate of the central chawk (square) leading to the northeastern caravanserai today called Katra Fulel (fig. 3: 16b). The area is now built in and over by the city quarter Taj Ganj; in the background can be seen the gate of the Taj Mahal garden, behind it part of the mausoleum, and to the right the Mihman Khana. (Photo: Ebba Koch, 1999) THE TAJ AS BUILT ARCHITECTURAL THEORY The reconstruction of the original complex of the Taj establishes the determinant role of the waterfront garden in its planning.The complex of the Taj Mahal not only explores the potential of the waterfront garden as an ideal funerary and a utilitarian worldly form, it also expresses canonically the architectural principles of the period. We have no texts to turn to because the Mughals had no written architectural theory, and one wonders to what extent they were affected by the ancient Shastric traditi on of building theory. The Sanskrit texts translated in an extensive program under Akbar did not include the outstanding Indian genre of art and architectural theory, the shilpa sh? stras and v? st? sh? tras, respectively; theorizing about art was not a Mughal literary preoccupation. True, it was hardly a major theme elsewhere in the Islamic world, but one would have expected the Mughals to become interested in the ancient Indian textual tradition of art theory, all the more since, like the Muslim dynasties in India before them, they continued to absorb Indian artistic conventions into their art and architecture, and even newly revived them. However, the fact that no texts exist does not mean that architectural theory was absent from Mughal thinking, especially in the time of Shah Jahan.My investigations have shown that theory was laid down in the architecture itself. As in painting—and I have tried to establish this for the historical images illustrating Shah Jahan’s history, the P? dsh? hn? ma29—the ruler’s buildings and formal gardens express these concepts so systematically that we can derive them from their form itself. The Taj is 138 ebba koch Fig. 9. Taj Mahal, view from the roof level of the gate towards southeast onto the khaw p? ra (quarter of attendants) now called Fatehabad Gate Courtyard (fig. 3: 10b) and the subsidiary tomb to the east of the jilawkh? na (fig. 3: 13b). Photo: Ebba Koch, 1995) â€Å"built architectural theory,† which can be read almost like a literary text once we have mastered the grammar and vocabulary of the architectural language. The buildings speak to us â€Å"with mute eloquence† (bazab? n b? zab? n? ), as Lahawri puts it. 30 We note here the purest expression of a consistent formal systematization characteristic of the entire art of Shah Jahan; it represents a distinctive and outstanding contribution speci? c to this period. The principles of Shahjahani architecture, which interact closely with one another, can be identi? ed as follows: 1. Geometrical planning. . Symmetry. Favored in particular is bilateral symmetry, for which we even have a term in contemporary descriptions of buildings, namely, qar? na,31 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. an Arabic word that expresses the notion of pairing and counterparts but also of integration, thus ? tting conceptually into the ideas of universal harmony that played a great role in the imperial ideology of Shah Jahan. In a typical Shahjahani qar? na scheme, two symmetrical features, one mirroring the other, are arranged on both sides of a central, dominant feature. Hierarchy. This is the overriding principle, which governs all the others.Proportional formulas expressed in triadic divisions. Uniformity of shapes, ordered by hierarchical accents. Sensuous attention to detail. Selective use of naturalism. Symbolism. the taj mahal: architecture, symbolism, and urban signi? cance 139 Fig. 10. Agra Fort, courtyard now called Machchhi Bhawan, originally the â€Å"Ground Floor Courtyard of the Hall of Private Audiences† (Dawlat Khana-i Khass), south wing with marble baldachin for Shah Jahan’s throne, 1630s (Photo: Ebba Koch, 1980) A palace wing of the so-called Machchhi Bhawan (1630s) in the Agra fort illustrates these principles very clearly (? . 10). The wing consists of uniformly shaped arcades with a hierarchical accent in the center, in the form of the emperor’s marble baldachin. The central feature and the identical arcades on both sides express in a triadic division bilateral symmetry, or qar? na. The baldachin attains its hierarchical accentuation by the use of nobler material—namely, white marble—and with selective naturalism: it is formed of organic baluster columns, decorated with naturalistically sculpted acanthus leaves that also appear in stucco as decoration of the interior cupola.These elements are shaped with sensuous attention to detail and are in stark contrast to the plainer arcades of the wings. The organic plant forms of the baldachin symbolize the emperor, whose throne stood below it, as the generator of blossoming and wellbeing. 32 This is underlined by the pot with over? owing leaves out of which grows each of the four columns—a p? r? a ghata or p? r? a kalasha, in Indian architecture an ancient symbol of growth, fecundity, and prosperity (? g. 11). 33 This example is meant to suggest that the same principles govern the entire architecture of Shah Jahan— palaces, gardens, mosques, and mausoleums.They are, however, expressed most grandly and most consistently in the Taj Mahal, whose architecture epitomizes the Shahjahani system. THE PRINCIPLES OF SHAHJAHANI ARCHITECTURE AS EXPRESSED IN THE TAJ MAHAL First, a rational and strict geometry is ensured by the use of grid systems based on the Shahjahani gaz. Different modules are used for the garden and the subsidiary 140 ebba koch gate (darw? za) to the garden (? g. 3: 9), the fore court (jilawkh? na) (? g. 3: 11) and its southern gate (? g. 3: 15), the square (chawk) (? g. 3: 17), and the southern gate of the bazaar and caravanserai complex (? g. : 19). These elements are ? anked on both sides by pairs of identical buildings: the mosque (masjid) (? g. 3: 2) and the assembly hall (mihm? n kh? na) (? g. 3: 3), two garden wall pavilions (cim? rat), now called Naubat Khana (? g. 3: 7a, 7b), and, to accentuate the corners of the enclosure wall and the terrace step, three pairs of tower pavilions (burj) (? g. 3: 4a, 4b, 4c, 4d, 4e, 4f). The elements of the subsidiary unit (? g. 3: C, D) are arranged in the same mirror symmetry. Integrated into the overall qar? na symmetry are centrally planned elements, namely the four-part garden (b? gh) (? g. : B), the four-part bazaar-and-caravanserai complex (? g. 3: D), the miniature ch? rb? ghs of the subsidiary tombs (? g. 3: 13a, 13b); the individual buildings of the mausoleum (? g. 3: 1) and gate (? g. 3: 9) are raised ove r central plans (compare ? gs. 3 and 4). Each element plays an indispensable part in the composition; if just one part were missing, the balance of the entire composition would be destroyed. Bilateral symmetry dominated by a central accent has generally been recognized as an ordering principle of the architecture of rulers aiming at absolute power—a symbol of the ruling force that brings about balance and harmony.For Earl E. Rosenthal, this is expressed in the palace built into the Alhambra in Granada by Charles V in 1526 as a statement of the Christian Reconquista of Spain, â€Å"a striking symbol of the strati? cation of aristocratic society under centralized authority. †35 Third, triadic divisions bound together in proportional formulas determine the shape of plans, elevations, and architectural ornament of the Taj. A leitmotif is the tripartite composition consisting of a dominant feature in the center ? anked by two identical elements; the con? uration relates in turn to hierarchy as well as to qar? na symmetry (? gs. 1 and 12). Fourth is the hierarchical grading of material, forms, and color down to the minutest ornamental detail. Particular striking is hierarchical use of color: the only building in the whole complex faced entirely with white marble is the mausoleum. All the subsidiary structures of the Taj complex are faced with red sandstone; special features such as domes may be clad in white marble (? gs. 1, 2, 12). This hierarchic use of white marble and red sandstone is typical of impe- Fig. 11.Marble baluster column of the baldachin of Shah Jahan’s throne, topped with an acanthus capital and growing out of a pot with overflowing acanthus leaves, the Indian pur? a ghata. (Photo: Ebba Koch, 1979) complexes, and even individual buildings have their own grid. The unit of the garden and the riverfront terrace is based on a grid with a 23-gaz module, and the unit of the jilawkh? na and bazaar and caravanserai complex on a 17-gaz mo dule. In the planning of the mausoleum a 7-gaz module is used and in that of the gate a 3-gaz module. 34 Second, there is perfect symmetrical planning with emphasis on bilateral symmetry (qar? a) along a central axis on which are placed the main features. The main axis running north-south is represented by the garden canal and the bazaar street in its extension. On it are set the dominant features: the mausoleum (raw ¬a) (? g. 3: 1), the pool (haw ¬) (? g. 3: 5), the the taj mahal: architecture, symbolism, and urban signi? cance 141 Fig. 12. Taj Mahal, Mihman Khana (Photo: Ebba Koch, 1996) rial Mughal architecture, but here it is explored with unparalleled sophistication. It represents the clearest link to pre-Islamic Indian Shastric concepts and expresses social strati? cation.The Mughals elaborated here an architectural praxis that already had been adopted by the early sultans of Delhi and that conforms to older Indian concepts laid down in the Shastric literature. The Vishnud harmottara, an authoritative compilation composed in Kashmir in about the eighth century, recommended white-colored stone for Brahmin buildings and red for those of the Kshatriyas, the warrior caste:36 â€Å"White, it would seem, is opposed to red as the purity of the Brahmin is opposed to the ruling power of the Kshatriya. † The synthesis of the two colors had an auspicious connotation. 7 By using white and red in their buildings, the Mughals represented themselves in the terms of the two highest levels of the Indian social system: architecturally speaking, they were the new Brahmins and the new Kshatryas of the age. Until Aurangzeb, the Mughal emperors were concerned to de? ne themselves as rulers in Indian as well as Muslim terms; the historian {Abd al-Qadir Bada}uni (d. 1004/1595–96), who was an orthodox Muslim and wrote a history of Akbar on his own account, criticized the emperor for letting himself be addressed as an incarnation â€Å"like Rama, Krishna, and ot her in? del kings. 38 Fifth is the uniformity of shapes, ordered by hierarchical accents: for instance, only one type of columnar support—the Shahjahani column—is used in the entire complex. It has a multifaceted shaft, a muqarnas capital, and a base formed of multicusped-arched panels39 and is always combined with a multicusped arch. The proportions and details of the columns may vary according to their position in the complex. In the galleries on both sides of the gate (? g. 3: 8a, 8b) they form monumental arcades (? g. 13, and cf. ?g. 10); on the roof level of the mausoleum similar arcades on a smaller scale are set in the back sides of the p? ht? qs (portals), and Shahjahani half-columns 142 ebba koch Fig. 13. Taj Mahal, galleries south of garden on both sides of the gate (fig. 3: 18), Shahjahani column with faceted shaft, muqarnas capital, and base formed of four multicusped panels, each enriched with a flowering plant in relief. (Photo: Ebba Koch, 1995) Fig. 14. Taj Mahal, roof level, pillar with paired Shahjahani half-columns of roof chhatr? (kiosk), behind the back side of the p? sht? q (porch) with gallery formed of Shahjahani columns and multicusped arches. (Photo: Ebba Koch, 1996) ?ank the pillars of the four marble chhatr? (kiosks) surrounding the main dome (? g. 14). This uniformity is true of the entire architectural vocabulary and its decoration; it applies to the paneling of the walls with shallow multicusped niches and cartouches, and to the treatment of vaults. One type of decorative facing is used for the main vaults and the half vaults of the mausoleum and gate (? gs. 15, 16)—a network developed from points arranged in concentric circles, which Shah Jahan’s authors described as q? lib k? r? , or mold work, because in the original plaster form of the vault the pattern was applied by means of molds (? g. 15).The design was transferred into marble in the central dome and half vaults of the p? sht? qs of the mausoleu m (? g. 16). Sixth, the principle of sensuous attention to detail is expressed most exemplarily in the ? owers of the mausoleum dado and in the exquisite pietra dura (literally, â€Å"hard stone†: gemstone inlay) decoration of the cenotaphs of Mumtaz Mahal and Shah Jahan and the screen that surrounds them (? gs. 17, 18, 20, 21). Seventh, in the Taj the selective use of naturalism emphasizes hierarchy. The most naturalistic decor appears in the chief building of the entire complex, the mausoleum (? s. 17, 18, 20, 21). Eighth, the sophisticated symbolism in the architec- the taj mahal: architecture, symbolism, and urban signi? cance 143 Fig. 15. Taj Mahal, garden gate, half vault of the southern p? sht? q showing plaster facing with q? lib k? r? , that is, a network forming kite-shaped compartments developed from stars arranged in concentric tiers. (Photo: Ebba Koch, 1996) Fig. 16. Taj Mahal, mausoleum, central dome with q? lib k? r? in marble relief. (Photo: Ebba Koch, 1996) 1 44 ebba koch brought to its ultimate monumentalized design; thus it was raised to a level above the sphere of mortals.The concept of the eschatological house also governs the elaborate program of the inscriptions, designed by Amanat Khan Shirazi. Z. A. Desai and Wayne Begley have shown that passages of the Qur}an selected for the inscriptions focus on themes of the Last Judgment, divine mercy, the reward of the faithful, and Paradise (? g. 19). 42 Such themes are entirely ? tting for the mausoleum in their evocation of the abode prepared for Mumtaz in Paradise. Begley, however, uses the evidence for another, less close-at-hand reading and sees in the Taj Mahal an architectural realization of an Islamic cosmological scheme—namely, the oncept of the Throne of God on the Day of Judgment, as envisaged and recorded in a diagram by the thirteenth-century Spanish mystic Ibn al-{Arabi in his Fut t al-Makkiyya (1238). 43 Why then, as Maria Eva Subtelny has pointed out, 44 is the famou s Throne verse (Qur}an 2:255) extolling God’s majesty45 absent from the inscriptional program of the Taj Mahal? Begley’s interpretation ignores not only that, but also the use of an established Agra garden plan for the layout of tural program expresses, as I have suggested, the concept of the mausoleum as earthly realization of the mansion of Mumtaz in the garden of Paradise.This is clearly formulated by Lahawri in the of? cial history of the emperor’s reign: †¦the exalted mausoleum, which imitates the gardens of Rizwan [the guardian of Paradise], and which gives an impression of Paradise (literally, the holy enclosures) (raw ¬a-i mu}all? ki az riy?  ¬-i Ri ¬w? n hik? yat kard wa az ha }ir[rat al-] quds nish? n dahad). 40 Mughal eulogistical references have a complexity of their own; while they may represent a purely literary convention, they can also have a direct bearing on the work of architecture or art that they praise.In order to arrive at their meaning, the metaphors used in such eulogies thus have to be carefully evaluated against the evidence brought forth by formal analysis. 41 In the Taj Mahal, every aspect of the architecture supports the concept of the paradisiacal mansion. It is expressed in the overall planning of the entire complex. The waterfront garden, a typical residential garden form of Agra, was realized in ideal forms and Fig. 17. Taj Mahal, p? sht? q of mausoleum, marble dados with rows of naturalistic flowers representing heavenly flowerbeds. (Photo: Ebba Koch, 1978) he taj mahal: architecture, symbolism, and urban signi? cance 145 Fig. 18. Taj Mahal, p? sht? q of the mausoleum, dado flowers of mixed botanical species, detail. (Photo: Ebba Koch, 1978) the mausoleum. 46 He also disregards another highly relevant aspect, that is, the ? oral decoration that forms an integral part of the building. In a direct appeal to our senses, the concept of the paradisiacal garden house is expressed in the delicate ? ow ers that appear on the dados, at the eye level of the beholder. They are carved in sensuous detail and represent naturalistic but not necessarily identi? ble botanical species47 that transform the lower walls of the mausoleum into ever-blooming paradisiacal ? owerbeds (? gs. 17, 18). The naturalistic decoration culminates in the interior, in the central ensemble of the cenotaphs of Mumtaz and Shah Jahan and the screen that surrounds them. These are covered with spectacular ? owers and plants inlaid with semi-precious stones, in commesso (composition) di pietre dure; the Mughals called the technique parch? n k? r? (literally: â€Å"driven-in work†) (? g. 20). The poet Abu Talib Kalim tells us that the painterly effects that could be obtained with parch? k? r? made it possible to create the desired naturalistic ? owers, permanent and thus superior images of their counterparts in nature: On each stone a hundred colors, paintings, and ornaments Have become apparent through the ch isel’s blade. Fig. 19. Taj Mahal, interior of the central hall, south arch. End of the inscription of Qur}an 39:53–54, with the colophon of the calligrapher, reading â€Å"Finished with His [God’s] help; written by the humble faqir Amanat Khan al-Shirazi, in the year one thousand and forty-eight Hijri [1638–39], and the twelfth of His Majesty’s auspicious accession. (Photo: Ebba Koch, 2001) 146 ebba koch Fig. 20. Cenotaphs of Mumtaz Mahal (1632) and Shah Jahan (1666) in the main tomb hall. (Photo: Ebba Koch, 1981) Fig. 21. Cenotaph of Shah Jahan in the lower tomb chamber (â€Å"crypt†). Detail of poppies and yellow flowers set in cartouches, inlaid with semi-precious stones in pietra dura/parch? n k? r? technique. (Photo: Ebba Koch, 2002) the taj mahal: architecture, symbolism, and urban signi? cance The chisel has become the pen of Mani48 Painting so many pictures upon the translucent marble (? b-i marmar). †¦.Pictures become manifest from every stone; In its mirror behold the image of a flower garden. They have inlaid flowers of stone in the marble: What they lack in smell they make up with color. Those red and yellow flowers that dispel the heart’s grief, are completely out of carnelian and amber. †¦. When of such stones the surface of a tomb is made, The deceased will [want to] clasp the flower pictures to her heart. 49 147 and to provide a lasting memorial to his fame. Strict formal principles served to express within each work of art and each building the hierarchy and timeless order of Shahjahani rule.With their successful appeal to our senses, the seductive aesthetics make the message the more persuasive. It is the fusion of the intellectual and the sensuous that has made the Taj Mahal such a successful monument up to the present day. Lastly, the close connection between form and meaning in Shahjahani art makes it a methodological exemplar of general art-historical relevance; it reminds us tha t formal analysis should not be in opposition to a contextual approach but rather a starting point for art as history.Institute fur Kunstgeschichte University of Vienna NOTES Author’s note: A visiting fellowship from the Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture at Harvard University in autumn 2002 enabled me to work on the manuscript of Taj Mahal, and to present my ? ndings in a lecture in the Aga Khan Program Lecture Series on Nov. 14, 2003, which forms the basis of this article. I thank Gulru Necipoqlu, David Roxburgh, Jeffery Spurr, Andras Riedlmayer, and Sunil Sharma for their interest in my research and their help during my stay in Cambridge.For supporting my project of the documentation and analysis of the Taj Mahal, I wish to thank the Jubilaumsfonds der Osterreichischen Nationalbank, the Bundesministerium fur Unterricht und Kulturelle Angelegenheiten, Austria, and Mr. E. Alkazi. 1. W. E. Begley, â€Å"The Myth of the Taj Mahal and a New Theory of its Symbolic Meanin g,† The Art Bulletin 61 (1979): 7– 37. Begley’s interpretation of the building as a replica of the Throne of God became widely known, probably because of its eccentricity and also because there was no proposed alternative; it even made its way into the popular travel guide literature: see Lonely Planet: India, 8th ed. Hawthorne: Victoria, Australia, 1999), 392. 2. The Complete Taj Mahal and the Riverfront Gardens of Agra (London: Thames and Hudson, forthcoming 2006). 3. Mu? ammad Am? n Qazw? n? , P? dsh? hn? ma, British Library Asia, Paci? c, and Africa Collections (henceforth BL APAC), Or. 173, fol. 234b (librarian’s refoliation 235b), my translation; cf. the translation of this passage in W. E. Begley and Z. A. Desai, Taj Mahal: The Illumined Tomb: An Anthology of Seventeenth-Century Mughal and European Documentary Sources (Cambridge, MA: Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture and Seattle: University of Washington Press, ca. 989), 42. 4. {Abd al-Yam? d L? hawr? , The B? dsh? hn? mah (Persian text), ed. M. Kab? r al-D? n A? mad and M. {Abd al-Ra m (Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1865–72) vol. 1, pt. 1, 403, my trans. ; cf. the trans. of this passage in Begley and Desai, Taj Mahal: The Illumined Tomb, 43. 5. I thank Dr. S. M. Yunus Jaffery for his continuing assistance in reading and translating Mughal source material. On both cenotaphs of Shah Jahan, which were placed next to those of Mumtaz after his death in 1666, the decoration with paradisiacal ? owers was given preference even over inscriptions.Inscriptions had decorated the sarcophagus-like element of both cenotaphs of Mumtaz, the one in the lower and the other in the upper tomb chamber, and full ? owering plants appear only on the platform of her upper cenotaph. But both of Shah Jahan’s cenotaphs are covered all over with ? owers (? gs. 20, 21); the only epigraphy appears in the form of a brief historical epitaph at the south end of each cenotaph. The w eight given to ? oral decoration is in tune, on the one hand, with the overall concept of the mausoleum as paradisiacal garden house, but the exclusively ? oral decoration of the emperor’s cenotaphs makes a more speci? statement, relating, even after his death, to the use of ? ora in his court settings to express imperial propaganda. The court poets and writers tell us that Shah Jahan was â€Å"the spring of the ? ower garden of justice and generosity,†50 the renewer (mujaddid) under whose rule â€Å"Hindustan has become the rose garden of the earth, and his reign†¦has become the spring season of the age in which the days and nights are young. †51 CONCLUSION From our investigations, the reign of Shah Jahan emerges as a time when the visual arts were most consistently and systematically explored as a means of promulgating imperial ideology.The written texts and the arts were seen as equally necessary means to represent the ruler and his state for a wider pub lic 148 6. ebba koch My ? eld research provides the material for a constantly expanding archive, which today comprises several hundred architectural drawings prepared mainly by Richard A. Barraud and ca. 50,000 photographs taken by myself. E. W. Smith, The Moghul Architecture of Fathpur-Sikri, Archaeological Survey of India: New Imperial Series (henceforth ASINIS) 18, 4 vols. (1894–98, repr.Delhi: Caxton Publications, 1985); idem, Akbar’s Tomb, Sikandarah near Agra, Described and Illustrated, ASINIS 35 (Allahabad: Superintendent Government Press, United Provinces, 1909). In the second Indian edition (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002), 98–101. The most useful studies are Muhammad Abdulla Chaghtai, Le Tadj Mahal d’Agra (Brussels, 1938); R. A. Jairazbhoy, â€Å"The Taj Mahal in the Context of East and West: A Study in Comparative Method,† Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 24 (1961): 59–88; Dieter Brandenburg, Der Taj Mahal in Agra (Berlin, 1969); R.Nath, The Immortal Taj Mahal (Bombay, 1972); and Lisa Golombek, â€Å"From Tamerlane to the Taj Mahal,† in Islamic Art and Architecture: In Honor of Katharina Otto-Dorn, ed. A. Daneshvari, Islamic Art and Architecture, 1 (Malibu, 1981), 43–50. Muhammad Moin-ud-din, The History of the Taj (Agra, 1905), recorded for the ? rst time the inscriptions of the Taj; his pioneering effort was superseded by Begley and Desai, Taj Mahal: The Illumined Tomb. For excellent photographs by Jean Nou, see Amina Okada and M. C.Joshi, Taj Mahal (New York, London, and Paris: Abbeville Press, 1993): unfortunately the illustrations are only partly identi? ed. For further literature on the Taj Mahal, see Ebba Koch, â€Å"T? dj Ma? all,† Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. (henceforth EI2) (Leiden: Brill, 1960–2004), vol. 10, 58–60, and idem, Complete Taj Mahal. Koch, â€Å"T? dj Ma? all,† ? g. 4 presents my new overall plan of the complex for the ? rst time. A brief assessment based on this survey is idem, â€Å"The Taj Mahal,† in The Seventy Architectural Wonders of Our World, ed. Neil Parkyn (London: Thames and Hudson, 2002), 57–61.We measured the buildings with metal and plastic tapes and with a laser measuring instrument called Disto Basic, made by Leica. Based on our survey, Richard Barraud did the scale drawings by hand; I took the photographs with a Nikon FS Photomic. All plans and photographs illustrating this article are part of this survey. A selection is published in Koch, â€Å"Taj Mahal,† 60. Jaques Derrida, â€Å"Structure, Sign, and Play,† Writing and Difference, trans. A. Bass (Chicago, 1978). The width of the complex at the southern, jilawkh? na, end measures 300. 84 m; at the riverfront it is 300 m. This is explained by Richard A.Barraud in his pioneering study â€Å"The Modular Planning of the Taj Mahal,† based on our measurements and illustrated with three drawings, in Koch, Complete Taj Mahal. Barraud refutes Begley’s assumption that the planning of the Taj can be reconstructed by putting a decimal grid over the whole complex and explaining away the features that do not ? t into it. See Begley and Desai, Taj Mahal: The Illumined Tomb, ? gs. 13–15, and W. E. Begley, â€Å"The Garden of the Taj Mahal: A Case Study of Mughal Architectural Planning and Symbolism,† in Mughal Gardens: Sources, Places, Representations, and Prospects, ed. J. L. Wescoat, Jr. and J.WolschkeBulmahn (Washington, DC, 1996). In earlier publications I have given differing measurements of the complex. In Koch, â€Å"T? dj Ma? all,† 58, a misprint occurred in the rendering of the gaz equivalents of the preserved part, which are indicated as 690 x 313 gaz instead of 696 x 374 gaz. In my essay in Seventy Architectural Wonders, 61, the overall length of the complex is given as 897. 3 x 300 m, because we took it from the outer face of the southernmost g ate, which projects 1. 20 m from the enclosure wall. From this comes the overall length of 1114 gaz cited in Koch, â€Å"T? dj Ma? all,† 58, which differs from the one given here as 1112. gaz. Ebba Koch, â€Å"The Mughal Waterfront Garden,† in Gardens in the Time of the Great Muslim Empires: Theory and Design, Supplements to Muqarnas, 7, ed. Attilio Petruccioli (Leiden, New York, and Cologne: Brill, 1997), 140–60, repr. in Ebba Koch, Mughal Art and Imperial Ideology (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001), 183–202. Cat. no. 126. The plan is painted on cloth and measures 294 x 272 cm. I have studied it since the mid-1980s and discussed it in several publications: see Ebba Koch, â€Å"The Zahara Bagh (Bagh-i Jahanara) at Agra,† Environmental Design 2 (1986): 30– 37; idem, â€Å"The Mughal Waterfront Garden† in M.C. Beach, Ebba Koch, and Wheeler Thackston, King of the World: The Padshahnama: An Imperial Mughal Manuscript from the Roya l Library, Windsor Castle (London: Azimuth Editions and Washington, DC: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, 1997), cat. no. 29, 185–87 and cat. no. 45, 209–10, ? g. 132. I thank Dr. B. M. Jawalia, Keeper of Manuscripts, for assisting me in reading the inscriptions of the plan in July 1985 and Feb. 1986, and Dr. A? ok Kumar Das, then Director of the Maharaja Sawai Man Singh II Museum, Jaipur, for the permission to study and to publish it. As no. 45 on the line drawing of ? g. I have added a further complex, which represents the Chhatri of Jaswant Singh (d. probably 1678), a well-preserved funerary complex that does not appear on the Jaipur map. L? lah S? l Chand, Tafr? h al-{im? r? t, compiled for James Stephen Lushington, Acting Collector and Magistrate of Agra, 1825–26, BL APAC, Pers. Or. 6371. I have used the copy prepared in 1836–37 for James Davidson, Sessions Judge, Agra, BL APAC, Pers. ms. 2450. Koch, â€Å"Zahara Bagh (Bagh-i Jahan ara). † For a full discussion of the Agra riverfront scheme, see Koch, Taj Mahal, chap. 1. L? hawr? , B? dsh? hn? ma, vol. 2, 322–31; and Mu? ammad O? li?Kanb? , {Amal-i O? li? , 3 vols. (Lahore, 1967–72) vol. 2, 315– 20; both trans. Begley and Desai in Taj Mahal: The Illumined Tomb, 65–82. On Mughal historiography, see the new study by Stephan Conermann, Historiographie als Sinnstiftung: Indopersische Geschichtsschreibung wahrend der Mogulzeit (932–1118/ 1516–1707) (Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 2002), 422 (on L? hawr? ) and 125, 395–96, and passim (on Kanb? ). In his painstaking assessment, Conermann regrettably does not consider art and architecture as sources of history, as I have pleaded for in the introduction to Mughal Art and Imperial Ideology, xxiii–xxvii.The ? rst dated plan of the entire complex is by the British landscape artists Thomas and William Daniell, who had it prepared in Agra in 1789 and published in th eir Two Views of the Taje Mahel at the City of Agra in Hindostan Taken in 1789 (London, 1801). A similar plan, but painted on cloth, is in the 7. 8. 9. 15. 16. 17. 10. 18. 11. 19. 20. 21. 12 . 13. 14. 22. the taj mahal: architecture, symbolism, and urban signi? cance Museum of the Taj Mahal (acc. no. 22), in the pavilion set in the western wall of the garden; another plan of this type, 280 x 85 cm, is in the Museum fur Indische Kunst, Berlin, no. I 10 060.It has been published in Pratapaditya Pal, Janice Leoshko, Joseph M. Dye III, and Stephen Markel, Romance of the Taj Mahal, exhibition catalogue (London: Thames and Hudson and Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1989), 55, ? g. 41. The plans differ in the areas of the jil? wkhana and the caravansarais. L? hawr? , B? dsh? hn? ma, vol. 2, 329–30; Kanb? , {Amal-i O? li? , vol. 2, 319–20. See also Begley and Desai, Taj Mahal: The Illumined Tomb, 75, 81. For the term, see below. For d? n wa-duny? , see L. Gardet , â€Å"D? n,† EI2, vol. 2, 293–96, in particular 295. Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Travels in India, 2 vols. English trans. V. Ball, 2nd ed. ed. William Crooke (London: Oxford University Press, 1925; repr. New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, 1977), vol. 1, p. 90. See, e. g. , L? hawr? , B? dsh? hn? ma, vol. 1, pt. 1, 155. The aims of the venture have been laid down in Taj Mahal Agra Site Management Plan, brought out by the Taj Mahal Conservation Collaborative together with the Archaeological Survey of India (March 2003); for my mission statement, delivered on Sept. 28, 2001, at the end of the ? rst advisors’ meeting on the conservation of the Taj Mahal (Sept. 25–28, 2001), see 5–6; for the model, see 66–67 and 70, ? g. 12.Ebba Koch, â€Å"The Principles of Shah-Jahani Painting,† in Beach, Koch, and Thackston, King of the World, 131–43; repr. in Ebba Koch, Mughal Art and Imperial Ideology, 130–62. L? hawr? , B? ds h? hn? ma, vol. 1, pt. 1, 149. See, e. g. , L? hawr? , B? dsh? hn? ma, vol. 2, 327 with regard to the Taj Mahal, namely, the placement of the Mihman Khana and mosque to both sides of the mausoleum. This concept of rulership is explained in more detail below. On the adoption of the p? r? a ghata in Mughal architecture, see R. Nath, History of Decorative Art in Mughal Architecture (Delhi, Varanasi, and Patna: Motilal Banarsidass, 1976), 6– 10.Barraud, â€Å"Modular Planning of the Taj Mahal,† in Koch, Complete Taj Mahal. E. E. Rosenthal, The Palace of Charles V in Granada (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 249–50. See Priyabala Shah, trans. , Shri Vishnudharmottara, a Text of Ancient Indian Arts (Ahmedabad: The New Order Book Co. , n. d. [1990]), 268, 271. Brenda E. F. Beck, â€Å"Colour and Heat in South Indian Ritual,† Man: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, n. s. , 4: 553–72; the quoted passage is on 559. Beck investig ates the use of the two colors, red and white, in South Indian ritual; her ? ndings tally with the recommendations of the Vishnudharmotara. Abd al-Q? dir Bad? }? n? , Muntakhab al-Taw? r? kh, English trans. (vol. 2) W. H. Lowe, 2nd ed. (Bengal: Asiatic Society, 1924; repr. Delhi: Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, 1973), 336. For Akbar representing himself on Indian terms, see Ebba Koch, â€Å"The 149 39. 40. 41. 23. 24. 25. 26. 42. 27. 28. 43. 44. 45. 46. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 47. 34. 35. 36. 48. 49. 37. 50. 38. 51. Intellectual and Artistic Climate at Akbar’s Court,† in John Seyller, The Adventures of Hamza: A Monument of Early Mughal Painting (London: Azimuth Editions and Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 2002), 18–31.Koch, Mughal Architecture, 93. L? hawr? , B? dsh? hn? ma, vol. 2, 323; trans. E. Koch; cf. trans. of Begley and Desai in Taj Mahal: The Illumined Tomb, 66. E. Koch, introduction to Mughal Art and Imperial Ideology, xxiii–xxiv; see also idem, â€Å"Diwan-i {Amm and Chihil Sutun: The Audience Halls of Shah Jahan,† Muqarnas 11 (1994): 143–65, in particular 149–52, repr. in Mughal Art and Imperial Ideology, 229–54, in particular 242–43. For a compilation and translation of the inscriptions, see Begley and Desai, Taj Mahal: The Illumined Tomb, 195–244; for a discussion of their meaning, see W. E.Begley, â€Å"Amanat Khan and the Calligraphy on the Taj Mahal,† Kunst des Orients 12 (1978–79): 5–39; W. E. Begley, â€Å"The Myth of the Taj Mahal and a New Theory of Its Symbolic Meaning,† The Art Bulletin 61 (1979): 7–37. Begley, â€Å"Myth of the Taj Mahal,† in particular 25–27. Personal communication, Toronto, Dec. 5, 2002. For the frequent use of the Throne Verse in epigraphical programs, see E. D. Cruikshank Dodd, â€Å"The Image of the Word: Notes on the Religious Iconography of Islam,† Berytus 18 (1969): 35–61, 59; S. S . Blair, Islamic Inscriptions (New York: New York University Press, 1998), 69, 198, 214.I pointed this out in Mughal Architecture, 99; and in â€Å"The Mughal Waterfront Garden,† 143–44, repr. in Mughal Art and Imperial Ideology, 196; but I could not convince Laura Parodi, â€Å"‘The Distilled Essence of the Timurid Spirit’: Some Observations on the Taj Mahal,† East and West 50, 1–4 (Dec. 2000): 535–42, in particular 539, where she considered my interpretation of the â€Å"ideal paradisiacal garden for the deceased† as â€Å"reductive† and preferred Begley’s Throne of God hypothesis. I have come back to the issue in the introduction to Mughal Art and Imperial Ideology, xxiv.Both Begley and Parodi overlook the fact that, however spectacular their realization, the themes of Shahjahani art were conventional, as be? tting a ruler aspiring to classical equilibrium. Robert Skelton ? rst drew attention to the ambivalence of these ? oral creations in â€Å"A Decorative Motif in Mughal Art,† in Aspects of Indian Art: Papers Presented in a Symposium at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Oct. 1970, ed. Pratapaditya Pal (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1972), 147–52. The founder of the Manicheans, and in Persian lore the ultimate painter. Ab? lib Kal? , P? dsh? hn? ma, Persian ms. , BL APAC, Ethe 1570, fol. 164a margin; my translation differs somewhat from that of Begley and Desai, Taj Mahal: The Illumined Tomb, 83. I thank Sunil Sharma for his advice. Bah? r-i gulist? n-i {adl u karam: Y? jj? Mu? ammad J? n Quds? , Zafarn? ma-i Sh? h Jah? n, BL APAC, Persian ms. Ethe 1552, fol. 129a. Kanb? , {Amal-i O? li? , vol. 3, 24; see also Ebba Koch, â€Å"Mughal Palace Gardens from Babur to Shah Jahan (1526–1648),† Muqarnas 14 (1997): 143–65, quotes on 159; repr. in Mughal Art and Imperial Ideology, 203–28, quotes on 227.

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